Nihilism is the denial that life, morality, or knowledge rests on any objective foundation. In its moral form it holds that no act is truly right or wrong; in its existential form, that human life has no inherent meaning. Conservatives regard nihilism as the predictable terminus of a culture that severs itself from tradition, religion, and the inherited moral order, rather than as a neutral philosophical discovery.
The conservative interest in nihilism is diagnostic. Thinkers in the tradition treat the collapse of shared meaning not as liberation but as the precondition for despair, ideological fanaticism, and the destruction of the institutions that make ordinary life bearable.
Key Takeaways
- Nihilism denies objective grounding for morality, meaning, or truth.
- The term entered wide use through Ivan Turgenev’s 1862 novel and the Russian movement that followed.
- Friedrich Nietzsche diagnosed the “death of God” as Europe’s coming crisis of meaning.
- Conservatives such as Richard Weaver and Alasdair MacIntyre argue that nihilism follows from abandoning inherited moral tradition.
- Critics counter that confronting a meaningless universe can yield freely chosen, authentic values without religious authority.
History And Context

The word derives from the Latin nihil, nothing, but its modern career began in Russia. Ivan Turgenev popularised it in his 1862 novel Fathers and Sons, whose character Bazarov rejects every authority not validated by reason and science. The label was seized by a Russian movement of the 1860s that repudiated traditional morality, religion, and the social order, and that some of its adherents linked to revolutionary violence.
Friedrich Nietzsche gave nihilism its deepest analysis. In The Gay Science (1882) he announced that “God is dead,” meaning that European civilisation had lost the shared belief that once grounded its values, even as it continued to live off the moral capital of that belief. Nietzsche predicted that the full consequences, the dissolution of objective meaning, would arrive over the following century. He did not welcome nihilism so much as warn that it must be confronted and overcome.
Fyodor Dostoevsky dramatised the same threat from a Christian standpoint. His novel Demons (1872) portrayed a generation of nihilist revolutionaries whose rejection of God ended in murder and suicide, anticipating the catastrophes of the twentieth century. Conservatives read the totalitarian movements of that century as nihilism in political form: the conviction that, absent any binding moral law, everything is permitted to those who hold power.
The Conservative Position
Conservatives locate the root of nihilism in the modern severing of reason from tradition and transcendence. Richard Weaver traced the decline to the late medieval rejection of universals, arguing that once the West denied any objective order above the individual will, the slide toward relativism and finally meaninglessness was set in motion.1 On this account nihilism is not an isolated mood but the endpoint of a long intellectual descent.
Alasdair MacIntyre offered a parallel diagnosis. He argued that modern moral language has become emotivist: when shared standards collapse, statements about right and wrong reduce to expressions of personal preference, and moral disagreement becomes interminable.2 This condition, MacIntyre held, is moral nihilism wearing the costume of reasoned debate. His remedy was a recovery of the older tradition of the virtues rooted in Aristotle and Aquinas.
The constructive conservative claim is that meaning is received, not manufactured. Human beings inherit purposes through family, faith, nation, and craft, and these inheritances answer the questions nihilism leaves open. Where the individual is left to invent value from nothing, conservatives argue, the result is not creativity but exhaustion and the search for substitute idols, whether political, ideological, or consumerist.
Differing Positions
The existentialist tradition offers the most serious reply. Albert Camus accepted that the universe is indifferent and that no external meaning is given, yet argued in The Myth of Sisyphus (1942) that one can affirm life without appeal to God or cosmic purpose, choosing revolt and lucidity over despair. Jean-Paul Sartre likewise held that the absence of a fixed human essence is the ground of freedom: man first exists, then defines himself.
On this view, what conservatives call nihilism is better described as honesty about the human condition. Inherited meaning, the existentialist argues, is borrowed authority; values chosen in full awareness of the universe’s silence are more authentic, not less, than those accepted on tradition’s word. Nietzsche himself sought not to wallow in nihilism but to overcome it through a revaluation of values created by human beings for human flourishing.
Conservatives answer that self-created meaning is unstable across generations and cannot sustain the institutions a society needs. A value invented by the individual will commands no loyalty beyond that will. The dispute turns on whether meaning can survive without a source higher than the self, a question that divides the conservative from the existentialist at the root.
References
- Richard M. Weaver, Ideas Have Consequences (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1948).
- Alasdair MacIntyre, After Virtue (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1981).
- Friedrich Nietzsche, The Gay Science (1882).
- Albert Camus, The Myth of Sisyphus (Paris: Gallimard, 1942).
- Institute for Policy and Governance. “The GOP Descent into Nihilism.” https://ipg.vt.edu/DirectorsCorner/Soundings/Soundings051721.html.
- Finacial Times. “Republicans have become the party of nihilism.” https://www.ft.com/content/76f9fdc2-3449-4c97-80c6-47c6625aa1d2